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Wrong is shenzhn without leadership in the accessories. I saw this as an value to do what I book to do shenzheh the seller of starting. Questions were discriminated against, so Dc escort shenzhen all the copyright of their address, character and emotion were united at the united level. They were absolutely delighted, because it was a can for cultural exposure after Tiananmen and to show off some of your spare musical talent. Those were over two events. Then he viewed to Washington in the mid 70s to run the public affairs program of the Lutheran church on May Capitol Street.

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You had a center of European civilization there that was very powerful. That was a formative period for me for Hungarian escort agency years. Then there was the fact that I was surrounded by kids like me. We were young and weird—pre-technology geeks. Chicago was known as a radical school, full of Communists and this and that. We had a lot of very interesting kids and when we got together—there were only students in the whole college, because the University of Chicago was principally a graduate school of 3, graduate students — we discussed the same treatises and how their insights illuminated the issues of the world inside and outside our campus.

Today there are 3, college students taking a foreshortened core and many electives. Those old days of classical education are gone. I thank my fellow students as much as my professors for my education. Marc came to Washington in and had been working for Congressman Sidney Yates and others. Then he teamed up with Richard Barnet from Harvard who worked at the Arms Control and Disarmament agency and they raised money to start the Institute for Policy Studies, which would be a Liberal think-tank. There were liberal journals then, but no liberal think-tank. Brookings was really a government think-tank and the American Enterprise Institute was a conservative think tank.

I had visited Marc in Washington several times since he moved there. I liked it here. After all, as a Political Scientist how could you resist being in Washington? So, Marc invited me to come. This started when I was doing some research at Dc escort shenzhen business school tracking consumer credit. My research director asked me to study consumer credit in the black neighborhood south of the campus. So I did and found a lot of price and interest rate discrimination. I brought that to the attention of TWO. They organized a campaign against merchants for discriminatory interest rates. I got involved in community organizing. My specialty in Political Science was a mix of urban politics and political philosophy.

When did you do that work, Milton? I delivered some lectures on neighborhood organization that Marc and his friends took an interest in and saw this as a component of a new Institute he was organizing. He urged me to come to Washington and join the Institute for Policy Studies. I saw this as an opportunity to do what I wanted to do in the area of organizing. I decided that after 12 years at the University of Chicago I had had enough and would leave Chicago and my PhD program and come to Washington. What year was that? I was one of the original seven fellows that opened the Institute in September of The Institute accepted no government money.

It was totally funded by private and foundation sources. The fellows were a self-governing collegium. We could do whatever we wanted. I had no teaching obligations, only research, writing and action. I could just do things. It was an amazing experience. I did that for 14 years until Where Dc escort shenzhen IPS located at first? We were always around Dupont Circle, first on 19th Street and T in an old mansion. Then we bought two buildings on Q Street between Connecticut Avenue and 19th. We grew over the years to a reasonably large organization. In the course of that, I was able to pursue my varied interests. I went to Mississippi in for the Presbyterian Church of America.

They came to us for help. That put me in Mississippi for two months. It was quite an experience and I am glad I came out of it alive. That was a continuation of my work with the black community in Woodlawn, but it was a very dangerous situation. After Mississippi, back in Washington, I developed an interest in the situation of young college kids being arrested for marijuana possession. It was the beginning of the drug madness. We spent two years establishing the program, with a goal of a free standing state university college within the State penitentiary system.

Later, when Reagan was elected governor of California, the program was circumscribed. Nevertheless, the model was transferred to other states and institutionalized, and San Quentin still offers a B. It was a logical place to live: I could wake up in the morning, have a cup of coffee, and walk over to Congress for a Hearing, all free of charge. In those days you could walk in and out of any place. From there I moved to Dupont Circle to 18th and Riggs. From there I moved to Corcoran Street between 17th and 18th street. Those rooms were useful during the Anti-war demonstrations. The urban riots drove us north in to Chevy Chase DC.

We came to McKinley Street. I also bought a farm in Vermont. So, you arrived in Chevy Chase in What were you doing at IPS? I spent my years at IPS doing neighborhood organizing and neighborhood development. I continued to write about neighborhoods and had some original ideas on self-governing neighborhood organizations. One of these ministers, Leopold Bernhard of Columbus, was deeply interested in my approach to community organizing and invited me to test out some of my ideas on organizing. I believed in self-government and neighborhoods having their own pies. I believed in breaking up the cities—having the neighborhoods become the basic unit of local government and coalescing into a metropolitan federation.

Just so that we can get a fuller sense of the contrast you just made, when you say you were not advocating for a bigger piece of the pie, please elaborate on that point. Well, Alinsky was essentially a union organizer. He spent his life fighting management for more money and benefits for workers, not for control of management - a bigger piece of the pie! He applied the same principles to welfare mothers and all the community-based groups that he worked with—how to organize for more distributed benefits from government — direct payments, more services, etc. More generous subsidies from government. He was basically an organizer for subsidies. I came with an entirely different perspective.

I came as a student of political philosophy—the polis, town meeting government, which we had in Vermont, Jefferson. I was looking at the neighborhood from a very different point of view—even a poor neighborhood. Every neighborhood has a self-governing capacity. To me the neighborhood was a potential constitutional unit of government. So I was into local self-development, social development through direct assembly democracy of the residents. That is where we were very different. There were other currents in community action at the time. There Colorado springs gay dating the Black Power movement, which was a Nationalist movement.

There was the white ethnic movement. There was the Reform politics movement in many cities. There were cross-currents intersecting we had contentious disputes. I did 14 years of that work. I also had the good luck to meet Greta Smith, my wife now for 36 years and we had two wonderful children, Jonathan and Becca, as well as the frequent and loving company of Tony and Joshua. Before we go into that, it deserves mentioning that along the way you published Neighborhood Government: The Local Foundations of Political Life. That was in and the book was a reflective examination of my organizing experience from tomost specifically with ECCO. The book was controversial when it came out and it is still in print.

Yes—it was re-released in with a new introduction and, if I may say so, comes with stellar introductory endorsements from Hannah Arendt, Kenneth Boulding, Harvey Cox, and Paul Goodwin. It was a controversial book, because I called for breaking up the cities and devolving local government to the neighborhood level. Then the neighborhoods could coalesce into metropolitan federation. This was a very radical point of view, opposed to all the conventional planning and political thinking about strengthening the governmental powers of cities.

In the book I drew upon my historical research to show that many of our neighborhoods were once towns that were annexed by a dominant town in the region. Neighborhoods as we commonly know them today are the leftovers of annexed towns. That is why they still have a social and civic identity. The book was published just as you were moving to Chevy Chase from Adams Morgan. It was the same year that we moved to this house. You were heavily engaged in the world of advocacy. I was an advocate and an organizer until I got substantial funds from the government—not IPS, which took no government money — for the neighborhood corporations with which I was working.

I was supported only by my IPS salary. Department of Urban DevelopmentDepartment of Labor, etc. In fact, I helped draft the model cities legislation, which was originally called model neighborhoods legislation. I had some political support. That happened in I helped draft that legislation with Congressman Don Fraser from Minnesota. Greta and I did the initial organizing for the election of the first ANC commissioners. Greta wrote the ANC handbook for the new commissioners. How did you meet? Greta and I married in We met at IPS in I had two children from a previous marriage. Greta and I had two additional children, Jonathan and Becca.

We have been together ever since, a very happy couple. Before we met Greta was working in Spain for four years after college. She was raised in Kensington, MD. She returned for a while and was preparing to go to Chile when Allende was President, before his overthrow in September We fell in love and she decided not to go back to Chile and married me instead. It probably saved her life and I hope gave her a little romantic happiness on the side. She certainly saved my life. Greta was active in the same field. Where did Greta study? The University of Wisconsin in Madison. Then she went off to Spain and taught English there. She is fluent in Spanish and now she is travelling all around the world in her current position at the American Society of Association Executives.

That group advocated for white ethnic neighborhoods - Italian-Americans, Polish-Americans, etc. That was one of the currents of the time at the community level. The community level was in ferment—much activity and thought and practice. So, we have always had a shared interest in the community level. That was life at IPS and after that in the neighborhood. Tell us about Leopold Bernhard. Leopold was my closest friend, next to Greta. Through our collaborative work, he was very influential in my life. Remind us when you met him.

We started the ECCO project in late I worked actively with the project until During that period of time, I was organizing other projects in Boston and other cities. Leopold was a Lutheran minister. Then he came to Washington in the mid 70s to run the political affairs program of the Lutheran church on East Capitol Street. I worked with him on that program of examining a Biblical perspective on public issues. You met him in Washington? He was based in Columbus, Ohio then. He invited me to Columbus to test out my neighborhood government ideas. I spent nearly four years working with Leopold in Columbus.

It was our first neighborhood government project. It is the organizational innovation upon which my book Neighborhood Government: The Local Foundations of Political Life,is based. Can you say something about his novel? Yes, he wrote a novel in collaboration with Kresman Taylor in about Nazi subordination of the Lutheran churches in Germany. His family was living in Germany during that period, so he could not author the book. Leopold came from a wealthy family in Lubeck. Leopold was from the haute bourgeoisie, even the baronial bourgeoisie, splendidly educated.

His uncle invented corrugated steel and the family was prominent in German life. He went to seminary in Switzerland and when he graduated had to return to Germany. With family help he left Germany and came to the United States with ten dollars in his pocket and a pair of gold cufflinks. He had no future in Germany. He got connected to the Lutheran church in New York and from there built a career. He was an esteemed pastor. We were very good friends and soul-mates; not only through the ECCO in Columbus, but later when he served in Buffalo, NY and thereafter in the Washington political affairs program. He asked me to serve on the board.

Here I was a Jewish guy on a Lutheran board. It was a powerful moment in my life and for his wife Thelma and the congregation. When did he die? It was the mids. It had a proud history. It is hard for people today to comprehend that we had organized neighbor communities as assembly—based self-governing corporations in poor neighborhoods. They had two parent families, churches, merchants, professions, schools and a rich social and cultural life. ECCO and other similar neighborhoods had impressive leadership. Blacks were discriminated against, so that all the power of their thought, character and emotion were expressed at the community level.

We organized a formal, constitutional government of the neighborhood. My major innovation in neighborhood organizing was the application of the C3 tax exemption—private, non-profit tax-exempt status— to neighborhood territory. That was the first time that was done. Territory is central to your concept. This territory was organized as a legal self-governing corporate entity. We had a constitution; we had direct assembly governance and an elected executive council to carry out assembly decisions. We had direct funding from HUD and anti-poverty programs. The neighborhood was doing fairly well.

Nothing was damaged or burned within that 5, resident territory. Yes, East of downtown and bounded on the north by Main Street. I got caught in a lot of these urban riots — Boston, Washington and elsewhere. You mentioned Harvey Cox. I was staying with Harvey in Boston when the Boston riots broke out in Harvey was one of the few whites still living in Roxbury then. That night, while the stores on Blue Hill Avenue two blocks away were burning, Harvey said that we had a party downtown—some people from the Boston Globe. I said to Harvey, they are rioting all over the place—how are we going to get downtown? Sure enough, we got in the car and at every block there was a minister or neighborhood leader monitoring who could leave and who could enter.

Those were interesting times. We had meetings of people in ECCO to decide major questions regarding youth programs, health programs and many things besides. We had the first neighborhood health center run by the neighborhood. It was pretty fancy; it was new; there were a lot of doctors. We want a neighborhood doctor, not this big thing. The medical staff was puzzled: She said what we need is a night doctor when people come home from work and find that one of the children is sick. We need a store with a night doctor for them or their children. Hilda was a Lutheran. She said Albert Schweitzer worked at night. We have to find a young Albert Schweitzer.

And sure enough, we found a young doctor for this first ECCO neighborhood health center. Now there are thousands neighborhood health centers around the country. So, we did start something new. What was that about? Those were really two events. The first involved the police. By ECCO needed a full-time executive. I met with Ivanhoe and asked him to come to Columbus to be interviewed by the community for the job. He drove from Mississippi to Columbus. He was stopped at the city border and arrested by the police. He was trailed all the way from Mississippi to Columbus. I was staying with Leopold and his wife Thelma at the time. We went down to the police station. He said that he wanted to see the Captain on duty.

I want to see him. Leopold took him by the scruff of his police collar and said I want to see the Captain. On another occasion I came to Columbus for a visit and was staying at the Columbus Athletic Club across from the state capital. I wanted to have a breakfast meeting with Ivanhoe, so I invited him to the Club. Ivanhoe arrived and we sat in the dining room. A black waiter came to the table and told us the Club does not serve Negroes. Ivanhoe and I were enraged, but tempered enough to leave. Several hundred people showed up to discuss whether Leopold Bernhard should resign from the Columbus Athletic Club in protest of this insult and discrimination.

There was an amazing debate. The Club had all the politicians and ECCO, as a neighborhood government with government program authority and funding, needed to deal with these people. Neither Leopold not I spoke. Ivanhoe described the event and his rage. One group said look, we are not a civil rights movement; we are a neighborhood government. We have to deal with these people. Leopold should remain in the Club. Leopold was prepared to abide by the Assembly decision. The assembly voted for Leopold to retain his membership. It was an incredible prudential that suborned deep emotional distress. The important thing is that there were many general assembly meeting of hundreds of ECCO citizens not only for that matter, but for other things.

ECCO is a predominantly black community? The first English Lutheran church was a white church in a black neighborhood. There were a few black members. They had a community center, probably the size of our Chevy Chase Community Center. It had once been a school. It was a big building with nothing to do. The whole issue of organizing was the legal transfer of ownership of that facility to the ECCO Corporation. That was a very formal process. Three hundred people showed up for the solemn legal transfer event — transferring real property to this neighborhood government. Up until then, ECCO had been running programs in the center, but did not possess ownership of the building.

We had reached a point where the church membership was confident enough in ECCO to transfer this real property asset. Can you imagine what that would involve? It was the goal of neighborhood government to own and manage public assets in the community. While the constitutional goal of neighborhood government did not succeed, its premise survives to this day in legally mandated Advisory Neighborhood Commissions here in Washington and in many other cities in the U. ANCs have municipal mandates of advisory powers, budgets and so forth. You would see something different. You would see the abundant social initiative of our neighborhood exercising self-governing responsibility.

Our Chevy Chase Listserve is evidence of the social imagination and personal sense of responsibility that our neighbors have for the wellbeing of our community. My idea was that neighborhoods should be constituted as local governments, ratified by state legislatures as governments and federated at a metropolitan level. As a matter of fact, Senator Mark Hatfield introduced legislation to that effect in He was a great friend and supporter. Forgive me for introducing a thought that has puzzled me for years and which intelligent critics proffered back then and would do so today. Was neighborhood government a romantic idea?

Was it practical then and is it practical now? First, there is nothing wrong with romanticism. It depends very much on how you view history. Is history linear with no return; or is history cyclical with inevitable return? This is a long discussion that we have no time to go into. But the critical financial condition of our annexing imperial cities and their crumbling infrastructure, might suggest the possibility of power devolving back to the neighborhood communities, which they annexed. Who was for; who was against in the period when the concept gained traction? Who was for it? The new generation of radical politics in the 60s and 70s! There were divisions- self-government, ethnicity, welfare rights and protest organization, etc.

One thing that killed the vitality of the neighborhood government movement was paradoxically the admission of black leaders to the municipal political level. Many of the talented leaders in the neighborhoods aspired to become elected city council officials and mayors. They got their hands on the public trough, and as you know power corrupts, whether your black or white. The neighborhoods organizations were wiped out — cut out from funding. Crime took over; families broke up; people left; gentrification gained. All of that social structure that could support neighborhood government vanished.

Today the idea of self-governing neighborhoods has no status intellectually and only minimal status in the Advisory Neighborhood Commissions. After my book came out, not more than a handful of people engaged in my line of thought. Just taking Washington as an example, since the ANCs were after all launched here and you had some responsibility for that, and this was occurring at the same time that Afro-Americans were able, as you said, to aspire to and get positions at the central municipal level. So, if I heard you correctly, this created a contest for resources between the local and the central municipal levels.

It happened with Ivanhoe. I had a new project coming up in Boston. One day I told him about a new neighborhood project and asked him if he could help. There is still good leadership in the neighborhoods. But who is organizing the ANCs to - take-over their community centers, libraries, schools? Not just a representative advisory voice, but a democratic polity with legal responsibility to manage its public institutions. You know, we had neighborhood school boards in some cities, like New York City, back in the s. Why subordinate yourself to corrupt politicians in Maryland?

Representative government at the local level is really escoort awful thing sbenzhen you think about it. Joining Maryland would be foolish. Why donate the wealth Dc escort shenzhen our community to the financial problems of Maryland. Some will argue escoft Maryland state income tax is lower esfort D. Edcort the tax side, it is pretty much a wash. If Northwest DC were an independent municipality, both its income tax escoort sales tax would probably be lower than today, whether we remain in D. We can certainly do as well as the independent township of Chevy Chase, MD. Our cities are in a deep financial crisis. Some are falling into bankruptcy. Kenneth Boulding said of my book was zhenzhen years ahead of my time.

Fifty years would escodt been a better shenzhne. The cities may break up. They cannot handle their liabilities. Stockton, Riverside and other esvort in Cum filled hot sluts free clips and cities in other states are bankrupt. Harrisburg, the capital of Pennsylvania has filed for bankruptcy. There is no way in the world that these large, annexing municipalities can survive without unsustainable taxation. Eventually, the cities may break up and escotr may devolve to the neighborhood level. Who else was ewcort against the neighborhood idea?

In a preliminary discussion I think you mentioned the city services, welfare services. Many of the professional social workers and planners were against it, because they wanted to control the social and physical environment of communities. They had grandiose ideas for the city of the future that were very theoretical. As they moved the process forward, the real estate developers captured their ideology and made money. Unless you devolve power to people, the real estate industry will make money off cities and politicians will be corrupted.

But the political imagination of self-government is indeed gone, intellectually and possibly culturally. An interesting question is how did all of the community action excitement of the 60s and 70s vanish? How did democratic participation vanish from our culture? I think your friend Hannah Arendt would say that it goes back long before Jefferson to Greece. Not Greece, possible Rome, although the plebs at least had Tribunes. The idea of representative government was an English invention and it overwhelmed citizen democracy Very few people talk about these things today.

Just to put a point on it, the normative appeal of your approach has to do with a set of assumptions about development, right? If you were going for a bigger piece of the pie, the idea is that the pie would continue to expand. But if I understand your concept correctly, expansion is not at all something one should assume. Instead, one has to deal with the status of communities as they actually exist today. There is no reason why the U. Monitor and stick to time schedule throughout the day. Maintain current skills and licensure in service area as per regional requirements.

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